National
Strategy for Victory in Iraq
Fact
Sheet: Training Iraqi Security Forces
In
Focus: National Security


9:45 A.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Thanks,
please be seated. Please be seated. Thanks for
the warm welcome. It's good to be back at the
Naval Academy. I'm pleased to provide a
convenient excuse for you to miss class.
(Applause.)
This is the first year that every class of
midshipmen at this Academy arrived after the
attacks of September the 11th, 2001. Each of you
has volunteered to wear our nation's uniform in
a time of war -- knowing all the risks and
dangers that accompany military service. Our
citizens are grateful for your devotion to duty
-- and America is proud of the men and women of
the United States Naval Academy. (Applause.)
I thank Admiral Rempt for his invitation for
me to come and give this speech. I appreciate
Admiral Mike Mullen. I'm traveling today with a
man who's done a fine job as the Secretary of
Defense -- Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld.
(Applause.) Navy aviator, Don Rumsfeld.
(Applause.) I'm proud that the Governor of the
great state of Maryland, Bob Ehrlich, and his
wife, Kendel, is with us. Thanks for being here,
Governor. (Applause.)
I so appreciate that members of the United
States Congress have joined us, starting with
the Chairman of the Senate Armed Services
Committee, Senator John Warner of the state of
Virginia. (Applause.) Former Secretary of the
United States Navy, I might add. (Applause.)
Chairman of the House Permanent Select Committee
on Intelligence, Congressman Pete Hoekstra.
(Applause.) From the state of Arizona,
Congressman John Shadegg. (Applause.) And from
the state of Indiana, Congressman Mike Pence.
(Applause.) I'm honored you all came, thanks for
being here.
I appreciate the Mayor of the city of
Annapolis, Mayor Ellen Moyer, joining us. I want
to thank all the state and local officials. I
want to thank the faculty members here. Thank
you all for letting me come by. (Applause.)
Six months ago, I came here to address the
graduating class of 2005. I spoke to them about
the importance of their service in the first war
of the 21st century -- the global war on terror.
I told the class of 2005 that four years at this
Academy had prepared them morally, mentally and
physically for the challenges ahead. And now
they're meeting those challenges as officers in
the United States Navy and Marine Corps.
Some of your former classmates are training
with Navy SEAL teams that will storm terrorist
safe houses in lightning raids. Others are
preparing to lead Marine rifle platoons that
will hunt the enemy in the mountains of
Afghanistan and the streets of Iraqi cities.
Others are training as naval aviators who will
fly combat missions over the skies of
Afghanistan and Iraq and elsewhere. Still others
are training as sailors and submariners who will
deliver the combat power of the United States to
the farthest regions of the world -- and deliver
compassionate assistance to those suffering from
natural disasters. Whatever their chosen
mission, every graduate of the class of 2005 is
bringing honor to the uniform -- and helping to
bring us victory in the war on terror.
(Applause.)
In the years ahead, you'll join them in the
fight. Your service is needed, because our
nation is engaged in a war that is being fought
on many fronts -- from the streets of Western
cities, to the mountains of Afghanistan, the
islands of Southeast Asia and the Horn of
Africa. This war is going to take many turns,
and the enemy must be defeated on every
battlefield. Yet the terrorists have made it
clear that Iraq is the central front in their
war against humanity, and so we must recognize
Iraq as the central front in the war on terror.
As we fight the enemy in Iraq, every man and
woman who volunteers to defend our nation
deserves an unwavering commitment to the mission
-- and a clear strategy for victory. A clear
strategy begins with a clear understanding of
the enemy we face. The enemy in Iraq is a
combination of rejectionists, Saddamists and
terrorists. The rejectionists are by far the
largest group. These are ordinary Iraqis, mostly
Sunni Arabs, who miss the privileged status they
had under the regime of Saddam Hussein -- and
they reject an Iraq in which they are no longer
the dominant group.
Not all Sunnis fall into the rejectionist
camp. Of those that do, most are not actively
fighting us -- but some give aid and comfort to
the enemy. Many Sunnis boycotted the January
elections -- yet as democracy takes hold in
Iraq, they are recognizing that opting out of
the democratic process has hurt their interests.
And today, those who advocate violent opposition
are being increasingly isolated by Sunnis who
choose peaceful participation in the democratic
process. Sunnis voted in the recent
constitutional referendum in large numbers --
and Sunni coalitions have formed to compete in
next month's elections -- or, this month's
elections. We believe that, over time, most
rejectionists will be persuaded to support a
democratic Iraq led by a federal government that
is a strong enough government to protect
minority rights.
The second group that makes up the enemy in Iraq
is smaller, but more determined. It contains
former regime loyalists who held positions of
power under Saddam Hussein -- people who still
harbor dreams of returning to power. These
hard-core Saddamists are trying to foment
anti-democratic sentiment amongst the larger
Sunni community. They lack popular support and
therefore cannot stop Iraq's democratic
progress. And over time, they can be
marginalized and defeated by the Iraqi people
and the security forces of a free Iraq.
The third group is the smallest, but the most
lethal: the terrorists affiliated with or
inspired by al Qaeda . Many are foreigners who
are coming to fight freedom's progress in Iraq.
This group includes terrorists from Saudi
Arabia, and Syria, and Iran, and Egypt, and
Sudan, and Yemen, and Libya, and other
countries. Our commanders believe they're
responsible for most of the suicide bombings,
and the beheadings, and the other atrocities we
see on our television.
They're led by a brutal terrorist named
Zarqawi -- al Qaeda's chief of operations in
Iraq -- who has pledged his allegiance to Osama
bin Laden. Their objective is to drive the
United States and coalition forces out of Iraq,
and use the vacuum that would be created by an
American retreat to gain control of that
country. They would then use Iraq as a base from
which to launch attacks against America, and
overthrow moderate governments in the Middle
East, and try to establish a totalitarian
Islamic empire that reaches from Indonesia to
Spain. That's their stated objective. That's
what their leadership has said.
These terrorists have nothing to offer the
Iraqi people. All they have is the capacity and
the willingness to kill the innocent and create
chaos for the cameras. They are trying to shake
our will to achieve their stated objectives.
They will fail. America's will is strong. And
they will fail because the will to power is no
match for the universal desire to live in
liberty. (Applause.)
The terrorists in Iraq share the same
ideology as the terrorists who struck the United
States on September the 11th. Those terrorists
share the same ideology with those who blew up
commuters in London and Madrid, murdered
tourists in Bali, workers in Riyadh, and guests
at a wedding in Amman, Jordan. Just last week,
they massacred Iraqi children and their parents
at a toy give-away outside an Iraqi hospital.
This is an enemy without conscience -- and
they cannot be appeased. If we were not fighting
and destroying this enemy in Iraq, they would
not be idle. They would be plotting and killing
Americans across the world and within our own
borders. By fighting these terrorists in Iraq,
Americans in uniform are defeating a direct
threat to the American people. Against this
adversary, there is only one effective response:
We will never back down. We will never give in.
And we will never accept anything less than
complete victory. (Applause.)
To achieve victory over such enemies, we are
pursuing a comprehensive strategy in Iraq.
Americans should have a clear understanding of
this strategy -- how we look at the war, how we
see the enemy, how we define victory, and what
we're doing to achieve it. So today, we're
releasing a document called the "National
Strategy for Victory in Iraq." This is an
unclassified version of the strategy we've been
pursuing in Iraq, and it is posted on the White
House website -- whitehouse.gov. I urge all
Americans to read it.
Our strategy in Iraq has three elements. On
the political side, we know that free societies
are peaceful societies, so we're helping the
Iraqis build a free society with inclusive
democratic institutions that will protect the
interests of all Iraqis. We're working with the
Iraqis to help them engage those who can be
persuaded to join the new Iraq -- and to
marginalize those who never will. On the
security side, coalition and Iraqi security
forces are on the offensive against the enemy,
cleaning out areas controlled by the terrorists
and Saddam loyalists, leaving Iraqi forces to
hold territory taken from the enemy, and
following up with targeted reconstruction to
help Iraqis rebuild their lives.
As we fight the terrorists, we're working to
build capable and effective Iraqi security
forces, so they can take the lead in the fight
-- and eventually take responsibility for the
safety and security of their citizens without
major foreign assistance.
And on the economic side, we're helping the
Iraqis rebuild their infrastructure, reform
their economy, and build the prosperity that
will give all Iraqis a stake in a free and
peaceful Iraq. In doing all this we have
involved the United Nations, other international
organizations, our coalition partners, and
supportive regional states in helping Iraqis
build their future.
In the days ahead, I'll be discussing the
various pillars of our strategy in Iraq. Today,
I want to speak in depth about one aspect of
this strategy that will be critical to victory
in Iraq -- and that's the training of Iraqi
security forces. To defeat the terrorists and
marginalize the Saddamists and rejectionists,
Iraqis need strong military and police forces.
Iraqi troops bring knowledge and capabilities to
the fight that coalition forces cannot.
Iraqis know their people, they know their
language, and they know their culture -- and
they know who the terrorists are. Iraqi forces
are earning the trust of their countrymen -- who
are willing to help them in the fight against
the enemy. As the Iraqi forces grow in number,
they're helping to keep a better hold on the
cities taken from the enemy. And as the Iraqi
forces grow more capable, they are increasingly
taking the lead in the fight against the
terrorists. Our goal is to train enough Iraqi
forces so they can carry the fight -- and this
will take time and patience. And it's worth the
time, and it's worth the effort -- because
Iraqis and Americans share a common enemy, and
when that enemy is defeated in Iraq, Americans
will be safer here at home. (Applause.)
The training of the Iraqi security forces is
an enormous task, and it always hasn't gone
smoothly. We all remember the reports of some
Iraqi security forces running from the fight
more than a year ago. Yet in the past year,
Iraqi forces have made real progress. At this
time last year, there were only a handful of
Iraqi battalions ready for combat. Now, there
are over 120 Iraqi Army and Police combat
battalions in the fight against the terrorists
-- typically comprised of between 350 and 800
Iraqi forces. Of these, about 80 Iraqi
battalions are fighting side-by-side with
coalition forces, and about 40 others are taking
the lead in the fight. Most of these 40
battalions are controlling their own battle
space, and conducting their own operations
against the terrorists with some coalition
support -- and they're helping to turn the tide
of this struggle in freedom's favor. America and
our troops are proud to stand with the brave
Iraqi fighters. (Applause.)
The progress of the Iraqi forces is
especially clear when the recent anti-terrorist
operations in Tal Afar are compared with last
year's assault in Fallujah. In Fallujah, the
assault was led by nine coalition battalions
made up primarily of United States Marines and
Army -- with six Iraqi battalions supporting
them. The Iraqis fought and sustained
casualties. Yet in most situations, the Iraqi
role was limited to protecting the flanks of
coalition forces, and securing ground that had
already been cleared by our troops. This year in
TAL Afar, it was a very different story.
The assault was primarily led by Iraqi
security forces -- 11 Iraqi battalions, backed
by five coalition battalions providing support.
Many Iraqi units conducted their own
anti-terrorist operations and controlled their
own battle space -- hunting for enemy fighters
and securing neighborhoods block-by-block. To
consolidate their military success, Iraqi units
stayed behind to help maintain law and order --
and reconstruction projects have been started to
improve infrastructure and create jobs and
provide hope.
One of the Iraqi soldiers who fought in TAL
Afar was a private named Tarek Hazem. This brave
Iraqi fighter says, "We're not afraid. We're
here to protect our country. All we feel is
motivated to kill the terrorists." Iraqi forces
not only cleared the city, they held it. And
because of the skill and courage of the Iraqi
forces, the citizens of TAL Afar were able to
vote in October's constitutional referendum.
As Iraqi forces increasingly take the lead in
the fight against the terrorists, they're also
taking control of more and more Iraqi territory.
At this moment, over 30 Iraqi Army battalions
have assumed primary control of their own areas
of responsibility. In Baghdad, Iraqi battalions
have taken over major sectors of the capital --
including some of the city's toughest
neighborhoods. Last year, the area around
Baghdad's Haifa Street was so thick with
terrorists that it earned the nickname "Purple
Heart Boulevard." Then Iraqi forces took
responsibility for this dangerous neighborhood
-- and attacks are now down.
Our coalition has handed over roughly 90
square miles of Baghdad province to Iraqi
security forces. Iraqi battalions have taken
over responsibility for areas in South-Central
Iraq, sectors of Southeast Iraq, sectors of
Western Iraq, and sectors of North-Central Iraq.
As Iraqi forces take responsibility for more of
their own territory, coalition forces can
concentrate on training Iraqis and hunting down
high-value targets, like the terrorist Zarqawi
and his associates.
We're also transferring forward operating
bases to Iraqi control. Over a dozen bases in
Iraq have been handed over to the Iraqi
government -- including Saddam Hussein's former
palace in Tikrit, which has served as the
coalition headquarters in one of Iraq's most
dangerous regions. From many of these bases, the
Iraqi security forces are planning and executing
operations against the terrorists -- and
bringing security and pride to the Iraqi people.
Progress by the Iraqi security forces has
come, in part, because we learned from our
earlier experiences and made changes in the way
we help train Iraqi troops. When our coalition
first arrived, we began the process of creating
an Iraqi Army to defend the country from
external threats, and an Iraqi Civil Defense
Corps to help provide the security within Iraq's
borders. The civil defense forces did not have
sufficient firepower or training -- they proved
to be no match for an enemy armed with machine
guns, rocket-propelled grenades, and mortars. So
the approach was adjusted. Working with Iraq's
leaders, we moved the civil defense forces into
the Iraqi Army, we changed the way they're
trained and equipped, and we focused the Army's
mission on defeating those fighting against a
free Iraq, whether internal or external.
Now, all Iraqi Army recruits receive about
the same length of basic training as new
recruits in the U.S. Army -- a five-week core
course, followed by an additional three-to-seven
weeks of specialized training. With coalition
help, Iraqis have established schools for the
Iraqi military services, an Iraqi military
academy, a non-commissioned officer academy, a
military police school, a bomb disposal school
-- and NATO has established an Iraqi Joint Staff
College. There's also an increased focus on
leadership training, with professional
development courses for Iraqi squad leaders and
platoon sergeants and warrant officers and
sergeants-major. A new generation of Iraqi
officers is being trained, leaders who will lead
their forces with skill -- so they can defeat
the terrorists and secure their freedom.
Similar changes have taken place in the
training of the Iraqi police. When our coalition
first arrived, Iraqi police recruits spent too
much time of their training in classroom
lectures -- and they received limited training
in the use of small arms. This did not
adequately prepare the fight they would face.
And so we changed the way the Iraqi police are
trained. Now, police recruits spend more of
their time outside the classroom with intensive
hands-on training in anti-terrorism operations
and real-world survival skills.
Iraq has now six basic police academies, and
one in Jordan, that together produce over 3,500
new police officers every ten weeks. The Baghdad
police academy has simulation models where
Iraqis train to stop IED attacks and operate
roadblocks. And because Iraqi police are not
just facing common criminals, they are getting
live-fire training with the AK-47s.
As more and more skilled Iraqi security
forces have come online, there's been another
important change in the way new Iraqi recruits
are trained. When the training effort began,
nearly all the trainers came from coalition
countries. Today, the vast majority of Iraqi
police and army recruits are being taught by
Iraqi instructors. By training the trainers,
we're helping Iraqis create an institutional
capability that will allow the Iraqi forces to
continue to develop and grow long after
coalition forces have left Iraq.
As the training has improved, so has the
quality of the recruits being trained. Even
though the terrorists are targeting Iraqi police
and army recruits, there is no shortage of
Iraqis who are willing to risk their lives to
secure the future of a free Iraq.
The efforts to include more Sunnis in the
future of Iraq were given a significant boost
earlier this year. More than 60 influential
Sunni clerics issued a fatwa calling on young
Sunnis to join the Iraqi security forces, "for
the sake of preserving the souls, property and
honor" of the Iraqi people. These religious
leaders are helping to make the Iraqi security
forces a truly national institution -- one that
is able to serve, protect and defend all the
Iraqi people.
Some critics dismiss this progress and point
to the fact that only one Iraqi battalion has
achieved complete independence from the
coalition. To achieve complete independence, an
Iraqi battalion must do more than fight the
enemy on its own -- it must also have the
ability to provide its own support elements,
including logistics, airlift, intelligence, and
command and control through their ministries.
Not every Iraqi unit has to meet this level of
capability in order for the Iraqi security
forces to take the lead in the fight against the
enemy. As a matter of fact, there are some
battalions from NATO militaries that would not
be able to meet this standard. The facts are
that Iraqi units are growing more independent
and more capable; they are defending their new
democracy with courage and determination.
They're in the fight today, and they will be in
the fight for freedom tomorrow. (Applause.)
We're also helping Iraqis build the
institutions they need to support their own
forces. For example, a national depot has been
established north of Baghdad that is responsible
for supplying the logistical needs of the ten
divisions of the Iraqi Army. Regional support
units and base support units have been created
across the country with the mission of supplying
their own war fighters. Iraqis now have a small
Air Force, that recently conducted its first
combat airlift operations -- bringing Iraqi
troops to the front in TAL Afar. The new Iraqi
Navy is now helping protect the vital ports of
Basra and Umm Qasr. An Iraqi military
intelligence school has been established to
produce skilled Iraqi intelligence analysts and
collectors. By taking all these steps, we're
helping the Iraqi security forces become
self-supporting so they can take the fight to
the enemy, and so they can sustain themselves in
the fight.
Over the past two and a half years, we've
faced some setbacks in standing up a capable
Iraqi security force -- and their performance is
still uneven in some areas. Yet many of those
forces have made real gains over the past year
-- and Iraqi soldiers take pride in their
progress. An Iraqi first lieutenant named
Shoqutt describes the transformation of his unit
this way: "I really think we've turned the
corner here. At first, the whole country didn't
take us seriously. Now things are different. Our
guys are hungry to demonstrate their skill and
to show the world."
Our troops in Iraq see the gains that Iraqis
are making. Lieutenant Colonel Todd Wood of
Richmond Hill, Georgia, is training Iraqi forces
in Saddam Hussein's hometown of Tikrit. He says
this about the Iraqi units he is working with:
"They're pretty much ready to go it on their own
... What they're doing now would have been
impossible a year ago ... These guys are
patriots, willing to go out knowing the
insurgents would like nothing better than to
kill them and their families ... They're getting
better, and they'll keep getting better."
Our commanders on the ground see the gains
the Iraqis are making. General Marty Dempsey is
the commander of the Multinational Security
Transition Command. Here's what he says about
the transformation of the Iraqi security forces:
"It's beyond description. They are far better
equipped, far better trained" than they once
were. The Iraqis, General Dempsey says, are
"increasingly in control of their future and
their own security _ the Iraqi security forces
are regaining control of the country."
As the Iraqi security forces stand up, their
confidence is growing and they are taking on
tougher and more important missions on their
own. As the Iraqi security forces stand up, the
confidence of the Iraqi people is growing -- and
Iraqis are providing the vital intelligence
needed to track down the terrorists. And as the
Iraqi security forces stand up, coalition forces
can stand down -- and when our mission of
defeating the terrorists in Iraq is complete,
our troops will return home to a proud nation.
(Applause.)
This is a goal our Iraqi allies share. An
Iraqi Army Sergeant named Abbass Abdul Jabar
puts it this way: "We have to help the coalition
forces as much as we can to give them a chance
to go home. These guys have been helping us.
[Now] we have to protect our own families."
America will help the Iraqis so they can protect
their families and secure their free nation. We
will stay as long as necessary to complete the
mission. If our military leaders tell me we need
more troops, I will send them.
For example, we have increased our force
levels in Iraq to 160,000 -- up from 137,000 --
in preparation for the December elections. My
commanders tell me that as Iraqi forces become
more capable, the mission of our forces in Iraq
will continue to change. We will continue to
shift from providing security and conducting
operations against the enemy nationwide, to
conducting more specialized operations targeted
at the most dangerous terrorists. We will
increasingly move out of Iraqi cities, reduce
the number of bases from which we operate, and
conduct fewer patrols and convoys.
As the Iraqi forces gain experience and the
political process advances, we will be able to
decrease our troop levels in Iraq without losing
our capability to defeat the terrorists. These
decisions about troop levels will be driven by
the conditions on the ground in Iraq and the
good judgment of our commanders -- not by
artificial timetables set by politicians in
Washington. (Applause.)
Some are calling for a deadline for
withdrawal. Many advocating an artificial
timetable for withdrawing our troops are sincere
-- but I believe they're sincerely wrong.
Pulling our troops out before they've achieved
their purpose is not a plan for victory. As
Democratic Senator Joe Lieberman said recently,
setting an artificial timetable would
"discourage our troops because it seems to be
heading for the door. It will encourage the
terrorists, it will confuse the Iraqi people."
Senator Lieberman is right. Setting an
artificial deadline to withdraw would send a
message across the world that America is a weak
and an unreliable ally. Setting an artificial
deadline to withdraw would send a signal to our
enemies -- that if they wait long enough,
America will cut and run and abandon its
friends. And setting an artificial deadline to
withdraw would vindicate the terrorists' tactics
of beheadings and suicide bombings and mass
murder -- and invite new attacks on America. To
all who wear the uniform, I make you this
pledge: America will not run in the face of car
bombers and assassins so long as I am your
Commander-in-Chief. (Applause.)
And as we train Iraqis to take more
responsibility in the battle with the
terrorists, we're also helping them build a
democracy that is worthy of their sacrifice. And
in just over two-and-a-half years, the Iraqi
people have made incredible progress on the road
to lasting freedom. Iraqis have gone from living
under the boot of a brutal tyrant, to
liberation, free elections, and a democratic
constitution -- and in 15 days they will go to
the polls to elect a fully constitutional
government that will lead them for the next four
years.
With each ballot cast, the Iraqi people have
sent a clear message to the terrorists: Iraqis
will not be intimidated. The Iraqi people will
determine the destiny of their country. The
future of Iraq belongs to freedom. Despite the
costs, the pain, and the danger, Iraqis are
showing courage and are moving forward to build
a free society and a lasting democracy in the
heart of the Middle East -- and the United
States of America will help them succeed.
(Applause.)
Some critics continue to assert that we have
no plan in Iraq except to, "stay the course." If
by "stay the course," they mean we will not
allow the terrorists to break our will, they are
right. If by "stay the course," they mean we
will not permit al Qaeda to turn Iraq into what
Afghanistan was under the Taliban -- a safe
haven for terrorism and a launching pad for
attacks on America -- they are right, as well.
If by "stay the course" they mean that we're not
learning from our experiences, or adjusting our
tactics to meet the challenges on the ground,
then they're flat wrong. As our top commander in
Iraq, General Casey, has said, "Our commanders
on the ground are continuously adapting and
adjusting, not only to what the enemy does, but
also to try to out-think the enemy and get ahead
of him." Our strategy in Iraq is clear, our
tactics are flexible and dynamic; we have
changed them as conditions required and they are
bringing us victory against a brutal enemy.
(Applause.)
Victory in Iraq will demand the continued
determination and resolve of the American
people. It will also demand the strength and
personal courage of the men and women who wear
our nation's uniform. And as the future officers
of the United States Navy and Marine Corps,
you're preparing to join this fight. You do so
at a time when there is a vigorous debate about
the war in Iraq. I know that for our men and
women in uniform, this debate can be unsettling
-- when you're risking your life to accomplish a
mission, the last thing you want to hear is that
mission being questioned in our nation's
capital. I want you to know that while there may
be a lot of heated rhetoric in Washington, D.C.,
one thing is not in dispute: The American people
stand behind you.
And we should not fear the debate in
Washington. It's one of the great strengths of
our democracy that we can discuss our
differences openly and honestly -- even at times
of war. Your service makes that freedom
possible. And today, because of the men and
women in our military, people are expressing
their opinions freely in the streets of Baghdad,
as well.
Most Americans want two things in Iraq: They
want to see our troops win, and they want to see
our troops come home as soon as possible. And
those are my goals as well. I will settle for
nothing less than complete victory. In World War
II, victory came when the Empire of Japan
surrendered on the deck of the USS Missouri. In
Iraq, there will not be a signing ceremony on
the deck of a battleship. Victory will come when
the terrorists and Saddamists can no longer
threaten Iraq's democracy, when the Iraqi
security forces can provide for the safety of
their own citizens, and when Iraq is not a safe
haven for terrorists to plot new attacks on our
nation.
As we make progress toward victory, Iraqis
will take more responsibility for their
security, and fewer U.S. forces will be needed
to complete the mission. America will not
abandon Iraq. We will not turn that country over
to the terrorists and put the American people at
risk. Iraq will be a free nation and a strong
ally in the Middle East -- and this will add to
the security of the American people.
In the short run, we're going to bring
justice to our enemies. In the long run, the
best way to ensure the security of our own
citizens is to spread the hope of freedom across
the broader Middle East. We've seen freedom
conquer evil and secure the peace before. In
World War II, free nations came together to
fight the ideology of fascism, and freedom
prevailed -- and today Germany and Japan are
democracies and they are allies in securing the
peace. In the Cold War, freedom defeated the
ideology of communism and led to a democratic
movement that freed the nations of Eastern and
Central Europe from Soviet domination -- and
today these nations are allies in the war on
terror.
Today in the Middle East freedom is once
again contending with an ideology that seeks to
sow anger and hatred and despair. And like
fascism and communism before, the hateful
ideologies that use terror will be defeated by
the unstoppable power of freedom, and as
democracy spreads in the Middle East, these
countries will become allies in the cause of
peace. (Applause.)
Advancing the cause of freedom and democracy
in the Middle East begins with ensuring the
success of a free Iraq. Freedom's victory in
that country will inspire democratic reformers
from Damascus to Tehran, and spread hope across
a troubled region, and lift a terrible threat
from the lives of our citizens. By strengthening
Iraqi democracy, we will gain a partner in the
cause of peace and moderation in the Muslim
world, and an ally in the worldwide struggle
against -- against the terrorists. Advancing the
ideal of democracy and self-government is the
mission that created our nation -- and now it is
the calling of a new generation of Americans. We
will meet the challenge of our time. We will
answer history's call with confidence -- because
we know that freedom is the destiny of every
man, woman and child on this earth. (Applause.)
Before our mission in Iraq is accomplished,
there will be tough days ahead. A time of war is
a time of sacrifice, and we've lost some very
fine men and women in this war on terror. Many
of you know comrades and classmates who left our
shores to defend freedom and who did not live to
make the journey home. We pray for the military
families who mourn the loss of loves ones. We
hold them in our hearts -- and we honor the
memory of every fallen soldier, sailor, airman,
Coast Guardsman, and Marine.
One of those fallen heroes is a Marine
Corporal named Jeff Starr, who was killed
fighting the terrorists in Ramadi earlier this
year. After he died, a letter was found on his
laptop computer. Here's what he wrote, he said,
"[I]f you're reading this, then I've died in
Iraq. I don't regret going. Everybody dies, but
few get to do it for something as important as
freedom. It may seem confusing why we are in
Iraq, it's not to me. I'm here helping these
people, so they can live the way we live. Not
[to] have to worry about tyrants or vicious
dictators_. Others have died for my freedom, now
this is my mark."
There is only one way to honor the sacrifice
of Corporal Starr and his fallen comrades -- and
that is to take up their mantle, carry on their
fight, and complete their mission. (Applause.)
We will take the fight to the terrorists. We
will help the Iraqi people lay the foundations
of a strong democracy that can govern itself,
sustain itself, and defend itself. And by laying
the foundations of freedom in Iraq, we will lay
the foundation of peace for generations to come.
You all are the ones who will help accomplish
all this. Our freedom and our way of life are in
your hands -- and they're in the best of hands.
I want to thank you for your service in the
cause of freedom. I want to thank you for
wearing the uniform. May God bless you all, and
may God continue to bless the United States of
America. (Applause.)
END 10:28 A.M. EST